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He saw clear and far, and dared greatly. He dared to take up the unfinished task of James Connolly. Single-handedly, as republicans and socialists all around him deviated into reformism and one-sided concentration on the class or the national struggle, Seamus Costello gave clear leadership on the unity of the anti-imperialist and socialist struggle and on the need for a revolutionary approach. He had the socialist vision WE ARE NOTHING AND WE SHALL BE EVERYTHING which the establishment recognises and fears.
James Daly
Oration at the funeral of Seamus Costello
October 8, 1977
Seamus Costello: A Life in Allegiance to the Working Class
“October 5th, the date of the first Derry march, will be forever associated also with the life, struggle and brutal political murder of Seamus Costello, the republican socialist leader who died on a Dublin street because he fully understood the vital bridge that must be built between the social and economic facts of life and what is often termed‘The National Question’.” Thus read a tribute to Seamus Costello in the Starry Plough commemorating the tenth anniversary of his death.
In recognition of the commemoration of Seamus Costello held in the cemetery in Little Bray today, the International Republican Socialist Committees recall the man who has filled us with inspiration as revolutionaries.
Nora Connolly O Brien, daughter of the great Irish Marxist James Connolly, described Seamus Costello in the following manner: “Seamus was the greatest follower of my father’s teachings in this generation.”
A veteran of the Border Campaign, Costello held the position of Chief of Staff and Director of Operations in the Official Irish Republican Army and Vice-President of Official Sinn Fein between 1964 and 1974. After founding the Irish Republican Socialist Party and Irish National Liberation Army in December 1974, until he was murdered by the OIRA in 1977, he held the positions of Chief of Staff and Director of Operations in the INLA and Chairperson of the IRSP, as well as being, at the time ofhis death, a member of the Wicklow County Council, County Wicklow Committee of Agriculture, General Council of Committees of Agriculture,Eastern Regional Development Committee, Bray Urban District Council, Bray Branch of the ITGWU, Bray and District Trade Union Council (of which he was president 1976-77), and the Cuchalann Historical Society. Over 5,000 mourners attended his funeral.
He studied Marxism as a prisoner in the Curragh, following the collapse of the Border Campaign and articulated the Social and Economic Programme the Republican Movement in 1965. In 1966 he was selected to givethe historic Bodenstown oration which marked the departure of the Republican Movement to the Left. His own Marxism was clarified and declared at the OIRA summer school held at Queen’s University and he exhibited its influence on his analysis throughout the remainder of his life.
Though Seamus Costello has been dead for 28 years now, he remains a shining example of republican socialism for others to follow and he lives on in the hearts and minds of all those who have drawn inspiration from him. He personified the unity of the national liberation struggle and the class struggle he advocated, as Connolly had half a century before him.
Despite his membership in a host of elected bodies, Seamus was until his death identified with the struggle in arms and, while opposing abstentionism, he had declared: “There is no parliamentary road to socialism.” Of the governing bodies in the six and twenty-six counties of Ireland he said: “We see both Parliamentary institutions in Ireland as institutions that have to be abolished if we are to make progress towards establish a Socialist Republic.”
As an elected official, Seamus time and time again made his offices available to is constituents to organise themselves towards achieving their goals. He never put himself forward as the one who would deliver their objectives, but aided them in organising to obtain their objectives themselves. In this way, he ensured that his electoral success served as a means whereby Irish working people could increase their class consciousness and increase their own sense of empowerment.
It is useful to turn to Costello’s own words to gain an insight into both the man and the system of analysis and activism we call ‘republican socialism’. Regarding parliamentarianism Costello said:
As for IRSP representatives in Leinster House, we would see their primary task as one of highlighting the policies of the IRSP, using the parliament as a platform for the pursuit of these policies and for achieving publicity for them. But members elected to parliament would have to be active in politics outside the parliament, i.e., in extra-parliamentary and agitationary politics on the streets. We see a direct relationship between the successful struggle on streets in pursuit of any particular political objective and the presence of people in parliament. We don't see parliament as an institution that is likely to produce the results which we want from a long-term point of view.
While some have sought to use Costello’s words to justify contesting elections for the Northern Ireland Assembly, Costello’s position on this issue was, in fact, one of total opposition, he said:
The essential difference which we see between the Assembly Elections and the Convention Elections is that the Assembly was, in fact, a Parliament,with statutory powers of administration and powers of government. The Assembly Elections were an attempt, by the British government, tore-establish the Stormont Parliament under another name and to continue with separate political institutions in the North directly under British control. A large section of the population of the North had rejected the existence of the Stormont Assembly. In the context of that situation, we felt that it was a totally unrevolutionary and a very reactionary decision by the Official Republicans to agree to contest these elections.We felt that they were lending validity and credence to Britain's claim to govern any part of this country, despite their repudiation of thisclaim.
Elsewhere, clarifying the IRSP’s position on abstentionism, he said:
When we say we are not an abstentionist party, we mean we are not aparty in principle committed to abstention. But there are circumstances under which it might be desirable at any particular point in time to abstain from Parliament and if we felt it was tactically desirable, that we would do so. That would depend, however, on the circumstances existing at that particular point of time. If a situation existed, for instance, where there was a possibility of large-scale dissatisfaction,on the part of the people, with either, the 26 County parliament or the 6 County parliament then abstention, on our part would be a legitimate tactic.
Costello avoided the all too common errors of many Irish socialists in respect to the Loyalist working class of the six counties. Regarding this issue Costello said:
We maintain that any co-operation with the Protestant working class must be on the basis of a principled political position. It must be on the basis of explaining fully to the Protestant working class what all our policies are, not just our policy on the ring-road. We must try and politicize them, simultaneously with conducting a political campaign to get rid of Britain. It will be primarily an educational function, or an educational campaign directed towards Protestants in the hope at least that some significant section of the Protestant working class will understand..
Costello also never lost sight of the actual function of the British occupation of the six counties the domination of Ireland as a whole. He said:
The IRSP is fully committed to the struggle for national liberation,democracy and socialism in Ireland, and we understand the relationship between the national question and the class question: the presence of British troops in Ireland is but one manifestation of the imperialist presence and must be seen in the context of the overall relationship between Ireland and Britain. Some people say that Britain would really like to withdraw from Ireland and that she is only waiting for a suitable opportunity to do so without losing face. The principal advocates of this particular argument are, of course, the native capitalist class whose position of power and influence is guaranteed through the maintenance of the constitutional status quo. They promote this idea mostly to confuse and de-escalate the struggle and thereby secure a return to a position of"peace with exploitation." The fact is that British economic interests in Ireland can only be guaranteed through her continued military and political presence here and through the maintenance of partition. Partition has been the instrument through which the working class in both parts of Ireland have been divided for almost 60 years. In the south the green Tories of Fianna Fail have always had more working class support than the Labour Party. They have had this support because they were regarded as the party that would end partition and complete the national liberation struggle. Of course, the orange Tories in the North kept their working class support in line by convincing them that their position of marginal supremacy could only be guaranteed through the preservation of the union and discrimination against the nationalist minority. Both sets of Tories could thus continue their exploitation of the entire working class and effectively prevent the development of class politics in the whole island.
We in the International Republican Socialist Committees remain dedicated to the vision of Seamus Costello and join with revolutionary socialists throughout the world is commemorating the anniversary of his death, not as an indulgence in sorrow, though the loss to the revolutionary forces of the working class in Ireland and throughout the world is tremendous,but as a time to take renewed inspiration, so that we might move the struggle forward.
I will not seek to exceed the words of tribute with which Bernadette Devlin McAliskey ended her own oration at Seamus’s grave. Instead allow me to quote them:
He could inspire not only the dream but the confidence of its achievement, and the commitment to work towards that end. From the ranks of mass struggle, others will come. From the experience of struggle, the political programme, organisation and method of struggle will come. But another Seamus Costello may never come again. When our freedom has beenwon, let us guard it well, remembering it was paid for in the blood and the lives of those now dead, but whose memory lives forever in the hearts of us who loved them for all that they were and all they might have been,had they been allowed to live.
In memory of Seamus Costello
TRIBUTE TO A COMRADE
by JohnGilligan
The wind it blew cold that October, as I watched the sad cortege depart
And I knew the bright sunshine of springtime, n'er would ease the dead chill in my heart
As I slowly came down from that chapel and we went oh, so slow, to his grave
'twas for us this great lover of mankind, for us always his lifetime he gave
His brilliance shone forth like the morning, as he rose up to champion the weak
And our jailers in the island dungeon cowered when Costello dared all for to speak
For his was the voice of the worker and justice for all was his creed
and he told us "arise in your greatness, and conquer this world full of greed."
Not bigots nor hate can divide us, as we fight for the flag of the free
Not murder nor armies defeat us when we strike out for our liberty
And his voice it came back form the coffin, as I shouldered it close to my cheek
"Go on - ever onwards my comrades - 'til we build up that nation we seek."
"And no power in this world can stop you - the assassin has failed can't you see
And remember as you bury my body, my spirit as always is free.
And I stride along there beside you, as you march on to your destiny
And remember I was willing to trade it, my life for your liberty."
It was cold when we buried that hero, and many's the heart cried with pain
For we knew as we buried our comrade, we'd not see his likes e'er again
But his words seemed to ring in the morning, as we slowly departed his grave
"Remember you were born to be free then, not quisling, not lackey,not slave
And my work in this life was an honour, so take up my struggle with pride
Doing that this cold day is beaten, and I, Seamus Costello, have not died."
Se
VOL. SEAMUS COSTELLO
COMMEMORATION 2005
This week the Daily Ireland in reporting the oration at he 17th annual Seamus Costello commemoration in Bray, County Wicklow. A general call from the IRSP for other Irish republicans to abandon the fruitless armed struggle and regroup as anti agreement republicans, the Daily Ireland managed to turn this into iminent INLA decommissioning!
The IRSP responded........
Seamus Costello would have been proud!
Costello Commemoration Speech
Today we commemorate a great man whose politics are as relevant today as they were 30 years ago. The people of Bray remember the agitator, the husband, the friend, the revolutionary, they remember well his vision and radical socialism, never have they seen again such a soldier of the working class.
25 years ago, someone gave me the commemoration book detailing Seamus’s life and politics. It was a glowing testament to his vision and to his love for the working class. Whenever I read that little book its clear to me that this vision and love were the very heart of Republican Socialism.
Despite the passing of the years and the changes within society when you scratch the surface, nothing of substance has changed. The rich become richer whilst the poor struggle for a decent living. We still face the same situation on this island today. Business interests masquerading as political leadership administer rule in Ireland, they have their own interests, and their aim is profit. Meanwhile heath and education, decent housing, employment all fall by the wayside in the selfish pursuit of profit.
The Rossport 5 are high profile victims of the Free State government’s decision to sell off the economic sovereignty of their friends in multinational companies. We support the Rossport 5, not because it’s the latest sexy fad which has caught the public imagination, we support them because at the heart of their case is the capitalist greedy profit making agenda. The supporters of the 5 are to be welcomed but I will say this: Castlerea Prison isn’t too far from Rossport and if you’re looking to find a long term case of injustice, a case which is so cruel in its nature, you will find it there. It may not be sexy for the respectable folk but if you really are against injustice help free Dessie O Hare.
Our island remains partitioned, the GFA is a cul de sac, which will strengthen that partition, the six county state is irreformable, it is a stinking hell hole of sectarianism and it must be smashed. The Good Friday Agreement republicans accepted partition when they signed the GFA. The organisation of the rally in Dublin was pure theatre: another sneaky way of rallying the troops whilst the cement was being poured over the arms dumps. We recognise that the agreement in 1998 signalled the end of the present phase in the dispute between Britain and Ireland over the issue of sovereignty. It was and is a moment of historic importance. But republican socialists have argued and continue to argue that it is not a lasting settlement.
It was a political compromise. In signing it, the GFA republicans were working based on a pan nationalist consensus that had underpinned their whole peace process.
The Dublin Government, the SDLP and the Irish American lobbies were all seen as power points to be directed against the British Government in order to convince them to become persuaders of Irish unity. That is what our struggle was traded for and if you lay down with dogs, you get up with fleas. The GFA republicans changed their view of the conflict following their tactical alliances with the great and the good. They began to manage the conflict and in doing so they began to reinterpret their republican principles and goals. That in itself was a victory for the British Government. Did these people never stop and think that their new friends ever had their own agenda, did they allow their ego and their belief that they were the elite cloud their vision? They certainly did.
Seamus and all republicans from the past who are honoured by present day republicans had all one thing in common; their republicanism was based on the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. Sadly that position has been undermined by what is known as the peace process. It has been argued and the IRSP agree with this point that the republicans who signed up to the GFA have now a position, which is ethnically based. In essence this accepts that the conflict in the north is as a result of a clash between two hostile and exclusive ethnic identities. The benefit of this analysis is that colonialism slips off the map, Britain gets off the hook and the struggle in which we took part in has been diminished. Instead of the question of imperialism and capitalism being the central issue of discourse we now have celebrations of differences. This multicultural approach in the north of Ireland in essence means that there are two distinctly recognised traditions, which should be seen as equally valid and legitimate.
It also removes the Southern establishment from any concerns about solving the national question. In the new GFA dispensation you will hardly hear the words like national question, anti-imperialism and self determination, nowadays the great and the good have given us new buzzwords such as parity of esteem and A Europe for the regions, balderdash. All of this distracts from the real issues such as who has power and why does oppression continue. Now that the marching season is nearly over could I be so cheeky to state the truth, the Orange Order institution is Irelands Klux Klux Klan and need to be challenged.
This is what this whole process is about, it was underpinned by the belief that the conflict was ethnic and so the end result the GFA institutionalised polarised communally based politics. That is not the way forward for the working class. The way forward lies within the teachings of men like Seamus Costello and within the politics of the IRSP.
At this point I want to pay tribute to the Republican Socialist community. For 25 years and more we have withstood the “undermine and absorb” policy of the very same people who now chase after British Secretaries of State begging for office space in Westminster,; the people who used black propaganda to try and destroy this movement; the same people who tried to break our prisoners and our families, these same people are now prepared to accept a unionist veto; they are prepared and eager to administer British rule in Ireland. Shame on the lot of you.
My message is the same today as it’s always been, we are proud to be irps-our class analysis cannot be bartered for respectability, our politics cannot be crushed and we cannot be bought..
Bernadette Mc Aliskey, a close friend of and comrade of Seamus once said, “the war is over and the good guy’s lost”. Since those words were spoken we have spent a long time analysing and debating the way ahead. We have spent enough time being distracted by our anger it is time to think with our heads and not with our hearts.
All anti-GFA republicans need to take a step back and engage with each other, those not on cease-fire need to call a cessation to their campaigns. Put simply it is not working, there is no support within the working class community for armed struggle. Within the north British intelligence are playing republican vols like pawns in a Kitsonian game of chess. We need to consult the prisoners and we need a united voice, we the honourable republicans, undefeated and we need to engage with each other. It is for purely tactical reasons that I make this public call for cessation of military activity. Leadership needs to be shown. Retain the dignity of the republican struggle.
Victory to the soldiers of INLA
(The above speech of Eddie McGarrigle was delivered on his behalf by another member of the IRSP Ard-Comhairle, Tomas Gorman , due to Eddie’s illness on the day)
Time for war is over: IRSP
Connla Young
DISARM: INLA’s political wing accuses dissident republican groups of having no strategy
“They should lay down arms and engage with other republicans. I would call on these organisations to talk to the IRSP and other republicans, especially anti-Good Friday Agreement republicans”
The Irish Republican Socialist Party has called on anti-Agreement republicans not on ceasefire to bring their armed campaigns to a close.
The call was made at the annual Séamus Costello commemoration in Bray, Co Wicklow, last weekend by IRSP national executive member Eddie McGarrigle.
Mr McGarrigle, who is based in Strabane in Co Tyrone, said during his address that it was time for the Continuity IRA and Real IRA — militant groups opposed to the Good Friday Agreement — to call off their respective campaigns.
“There is no support for them within working-class communities. They are not alone in having misgivings about the Good Friday Agreement and there are many who believe it will not lead to a lasting settlement but armed struggle is not the way to go about bringing change.
“These groups have got to get back to politics. British intelligence is so much ingrained in these organisations on the ground that they have no strategy at all. For these republicans to retain their dignity, they have to call a ceasefire now.
“Their pretence of an armed struggle has clouded issues affecting working-class communities. They are in danger of letting the republican cause down by further action.
“They should lay down arms and engage with other republicans. I would call on these organisation to talk to the IRSP and other republicans, especially anti-Good Friday Agreement republicans.
“Republican prisoners always had a place where they had a voice. Both they and their families need to be consulted North and South and need to be involved in dialogue. Their prisoners have got to be consulted,” he said.
The ceasefire call from the IRSP, which offers political advice to the Irish National Liberation Army, will be seen as significant by political observers.
The comments come 28 years to the day since the founder of both groups, Séamus Costello, was gunned down in Dublin by members of the Official IRA.
While adopting a strong position against the Good Friday Agreement, the INLA has been on ceasefire since August 1998. At that time, it abandoned its “no first strike” policy in favour of a complete end to hostilities.
Mr McGarrigle said there was no longer an appetite for a militant campaign against British forces within nationalist and republican communities.
The appeal to other militant republican groups to lay down their weapons comes just over a week after the IRA put its arms beyond use. The disarmament move followed a statement released in July that brought a halt to the organisation’s 35-year campaign. The IRA had been on ceasefire since 1997.
The Real IRA called a ceasefire on September 8, 1998 in the aftermath of the August 1998 Omagh bombing, which led to the deaths of 29 people. Within two years, the organisation abandoned its ceasefire with the launch of a bombing campaign in Britain.
The organisation was also responsible for the killing of civilian worker David Caldwell. He died after lifting a booby-trap device at a Territorial Army base in August 2002.
In December 2004, the Real IRA was responsible for a fire-bomb blitz that caused thousands of pounds of damage in stores across the North.
The organisation has also been responsible for a number of failed attacks on British security forces since 1998.
The Continuity IRA has been in existence since 1986. It was responsible for a blast-bomb attack on members of the PSNI during heavy rioting in Ardoyne in July this year.
“For these republicans to retain their dignity, they have to call a ceasefire now.
“Their pretence of an armed struggle has clouded issues affecting working-class communities. They are in danger of letting the republican cause down by further action.
“They should lay down arms and engage with other republicans. I would call on these organisation to talk to the IRSP and other republicans, especially anti-Good Friday Agreement republicans.
“Republican prisoners always had a place where they had a voice. Both they and their families need to be consulted North and South and need to be involved in dialogue. Their prisoners have got to be consulted,” he said.
The ceasefire call from the IRSP, which offers political advice to the Irish National Liberation Army, will be seen as significant by political observers.
The comments come 28 years to the day since the founder of both groups, Séamus Costello, was gunned down in Dublin by members of the Official IRA.
While adopting a strong position against the Good Friday Agreement, the INLA has been on ceasefire since August 1998. At that time, it abandoned its “no first strike” policy in favour of a complete end to hostilities.
Mr McGarrigle said there was no longer an appetite for a military campaign against British forces within nationalist and republican communities.
The appeal to other republican groups to lay down their weapons comes just over a week after the IRA put its arms beyond use. The disarmament move followed a statement released in July that brought a halt to the organisation’s 35-year campaign.
The IRA had been on ceasefire since 1997.
The Real IRA called a ceasefire in the aftermath of the August 1998 Omagh bombing, which led to the deaths of 29 people.
Within two years, it abandoned its ceasefire with a bombing campaign in Britain.
The Continuity IRA has been in existence since 1986.
October 09 2005
Daily Ireland
DailyIreland Editorial
Editor: Maria McCourt
INLA on the verge
The appeal by the Irish Republican Socialist Party to anti-agreement republicans to lay down their arms and bring their campaigns to a close will be welcomed right across this island.
The call was made in a speech by IRSP National Executive member Eddie McGarrigle at the annual Seamus Costello commemoration and is the clearest indication to date that the INLA may be on the verge of making a major move to further consolidate the peace process.
Mr McGarrigle has restated his party’s opposition to the Good Friday Agreement, but he has made it clear that any such opposition must be expressed by entirely peaceful means.
His comments are the clearest indication to date that a debate is now going on in the ranks of the IRSP and the INLA similar to that conducted earlier this year by the IRA leadership prior to its July 28 initiative.
Mr McGarrigle also appealed to the remnants of the armed republican groups currently not on ceasefire to recognise the reality that there is now no support within the nationalist community for a return to armed conflict.
In fact the IRSP man has bluntly told the micro republican groups that their vulnerability to infiltration by British intelligence has robbed them of any ability to form a viable strategy.
Already there are elements of intransigent unionism which are using the continued existence of these groups as yet another stumbling block to political progress.
Meanwhile they continue to turn a blind eye to the ongoing loyalist violence which claimed the life of former UDA boss Jim Gray last night.
A bold move by the INLA and the other republican groupings would strip these naysayers of their already threadbare refusal to engage in politics and lay their bigotry bare for all the world to see.
October 09 2005
Daily Ireland
Advanced
INLA won’t dump arms
By Connla Young
The Irish National Liberation Army has no plans to put its arms beyond use, it was confirmed last night.
The group's position on the issue came when Eddie McGarrigle, a senior member of the group's political wing, the Irish Republican Socialist Party, said there was no appetite for such a move within the Republican Socialist Movement.
Speculation has mounted over what direction the INLA would take after the IRA put its weapons beyond use last week. Confirmation that the INLA will not decommission comes just days after Mr McGarrigle called on anti-Agreement republicans to bring their armed campaigns to a close.
In a letter published in Daily Ireland today Mr McGarrigle, who is based in Strabane, Co Tyrone, said a decision on decommissioning "will not be taken on a request from the nationalist, pro-Good Friday Agreement republicans".
Speaking to Daily Ireland last night Mr McGarrigle said decommissioning was a non-issue within the Republican Socialist Movement as long as unionist paramilitaries continued to pose a threat to nationalist communities.
“Anti-Good Friday Agreement republicans will not engage in decommissioning; it's not an issue at this time. Republicans have a duty to defend their communities against loyalists.
“While there is no appetite for armed conflict there remains an onus on republicans to defend their communities. This is especially the case given the history of the state and the fact that unionists are not engaging in the process of conflict transformation and there is a strong element of distrust in nationalist communities. At grassroots level this issue is not on the agenda at this time.
“Paisley's stance hardens attitudes. The attitude of unionist politicians to loyalist violence and weapons does little to fill people with confidence either. Republicans who have been outside the political process see no merit in it at all. All the signatories to the Good Friday Agreement said they would try to encourage decommissioning. But none of the signatories have ever approached the INLA or republican socialists and asked their opinion on the matter. The whole thing has been a red herring and directed at IRA weaponry. It was never raised as an issue with us, even in meetings with the governments."
The IRSP man also renewed his call for anti-Agreement republicans not on ceasefire to call off their campaigns.
“I would again call on them to end their campaigns and to talk to other anti-Agreement republicans. The time for armed struggle is not at the moment. There is also an onus on provisional republicans to persuade other republicans that the conflict can be resolved through the stepping stone strategy they use."
The INLA has remained relatively inactive since they called a ceasefire in 1998. While the INLA's arsenal may not match that of the IRA's, it is understood they have several hundred small arms and automatic weapons as well as access to explosives. See letters page 16
IRSP: Struggle not over until Irish working class has economic and political freedom
Letters to the Editor
In response to speculation in the media about the intentions of the republican socialist movement following the oration at the annual Séamus Costello commemoration in Bray, a few points need to be made.
The position outlined in Sunday’s oration has been held by the IRSP since 1998. We refer to the opening paragraph of the INLA’s ceasefire statement issued on August 22, 1998: “We have accepted the advice and analysis of the Irish Republican Socialist Party that the conditions for armed struggle do not exist.
“The Irish National Liberation Army has now shifted from the position of defence and retaliation to the position of complete ceasefire. We have instructed all our units to desist from offensive action from noon today.”
The ardchomhairle of the IRSP stated on the same day; “In the present changed political climate in Ireland, the INLA has also shown that it possesses both the leadership and vision necessary to provide the momentum required to continue the pursuance of that aim by peaceful methods.”
On the position of armed struggle, we have also been quite clear for many years, At the Séamus Costello commemoration in 2003, the IRSP asserted: “Today the IRSP has to face into the struggle for a socialist republic based on democratic principles, equipped with the integrity of republican socialist politics.
“This, alongside our determination to achieve Irish freedom, full social equality for all, and self-government, are the arms required for today's struggle. The political conditions not only in Ireland but also internationally in 2003 demand that our response is measured and tailored to achieve victory, not wallowing in a self-righteous indignation, engaged in a fruitless armed campaign that our enemies long ago learned how to minimise and negate.”
It needs to be restated that the decision on whether or not the INLA decommissions lies solely with that movement, and that decision should only be taken with reference to the actual position on the ground for working-class communities who presently find themselves living under threat of violence and forced evictions.
It will not be taken on a request from the nationalist, pro-Good Friday Agreement republicans.
The republican socialist movement is clear on its position in relation to the GFA. That agreement represented a defeat for the Irish republican struggle. But as we said at the recent anti-internment demonstration in Ballymena: “The republican socialist movement accepts the need for changed tactics in a rapidly changing world.
“But changed tactics don't mean changed principles. We stand by the republic of James Connolly and Liam Mellows.”
Only when the Irish working class achieves full economic and political freedom will we say that the struggle is over.
