radicalnorthbelfast

Statement from the leadership of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement Easter 2005
(Delivered by Andy Gallagher Easter Sunday 2005)

BACK TO CONNOLLY-FORWARD TO SOCIALISM

Comrades of the IRSP, Volunteers of the INLA, our republican socialist prisoners in Portlaoise and Castlrea, relatives of our dead comrades, our ex-prisoners and friends and supporters, the republican socialist movement sends you fraternal greetings and solidarity on this Easter afternoon as we honour not only our own dead comrades but also all republicans who fell in the struggle against British Imperialism.

Republicanism is in crisis, is floundering and seems to be coming more and more detached from reality. The generic term Republicanism has been sullied not just in the past few months but in the past number of years by spin doctoring, by blatant and persistent lying, by cover-ups and clean ups worth of the mafia.

But we in the Republican Socialist movement cannot afford a holier than thou attitude. The Republican socialist movement has not been immune itself from errors mistakes and actions which sullied the name of republicans. Only a year ago we faced the wrath of many for incidents in Ardoyne. But we did not run and hide from those difficulties. We faced up to them dealt with it both internally and externally. The result has been a rise in our support and an increase in our membership

In the long history of republicanism there has always been people who joined for the so-called protection of the army. There are people who play at revolution and strut around like the bullyboys they are. There is a time for flexing muscles and a time for flexing brains. This is a time comrades and friends for flexing our brains. We do not need bar room republicans full of brawn and testosterone. The INLA has made clear to us that it supports the disciplined and politically controlled use of physical force in the context of armed anti imperialist struggle. It is not a private militia used to intimidate people in the context of personal disputes, bar brawls, personal grudges and the like. And it will do all in its power to ensure that it never becomes that.

I could mention many of our volunteers and activists but Let me mention just three of our fallen comrades and committed INLA volunteers -- Seamus Costello, Ta Power and Gino Gallagher. All three were also political activists and no task was too small for them to do. Whether it was sitting at boring meetings, making tea for comrades, driving around the country, planning military attacks moving guns, making bombs, and in Seamus's case sitting in local councils, or selling the Starry Plough no task I repeat was too small for them.

There is no place in this movement for those who stand apart from the every day tasks of building the movement and part of that means selling the Party Newspaper. All three of those brave men believed passionately in the politicisation of republicans. If that was good enough for Costello, for Power, for Gallagher then it should be good enough for you.

By following their example we will play our part in re-establishing the credentials of republicanism as a valid revolutionary doctrine relevant to the needs and aspirations of the Irish working class. For there can be no doubt that the broad republican tradition has since the beginning of the so called peace process lost the high moral ground that had been obtained by virtue of being genuine anti-imperialists. But comrades we will not join with the friends and allies of the British, the USA and the Free State in the demonisation and victimisation of other republicans. Yes we have been, are and will be, critical of policies that other republicans and socialists follow. We vehemently disagree with the Good Friday Agreement and all that has flowed from it. But comrades we recognise other republicans as republicans and acknowledge and admire the brave struggle that they have carried out. But politically we believe they have taken the wrong road.

Instead of recognising that the armed struggle had run into the ground other Republicans elevated the so-called peace process as another step on the road to the Republic. They were and are wrong and mistaken. All that has happened since 1998 has strengthened partition. Sectarianism has raged like a virus throughout many working class areas and instead of unity we have even more divisions than ever.

Doing deals with the Free State establishment and entering alliances with the ruling classes of the Britain and the USA has weakened republicanism not strengthened it. Those who challenge us "where's your mandate?" and "what's the alternative to the Good Friday Agreement" have fallen for the illusions of power that a few election gains bring. Muttering the mantra of mandates does not blind us to the stark realities on the ground. The republican struggle has suffered a defeat.

Our dead comrades did not fight for an Ireland of equals. They fought for a socialist republic not a revamped Stormont- for the destruction of capitalism - not for seats in a capitalist coalition - for unity not for more division. For us as a movement despite our mistakes and errors it was always about the liberation of our class - the working class - from the chains of capitalism. Real Politics is not about implementing the Good Friday Agreement. Our politics is about challenging the status quo. Not making capitalism work.

Ten years ago the great and good scoffed at our so-called outdated views on capitalism. They thought the collapse of the Soviet Union was the death knell of socialist and revolutionary ideas and actions. Well comrades look at the present state of the world and tell me that capitalism is working. Africa is in dire poverty with millions dying of aids- and starvation. Asia is in turmoil as the reactionary rich seek to maintain almost feudal power over the masses. South America is increasing turning towards the ideas of Socialism as witnessed by the revolutionary process underway in Venezuela and the increasing contact by many states with Socialist Cuba. Meanwhile the USA is becoming increasingly belligerent in its Imperialism despite its failures to end the Iraqi resistance.

But we are not enemies of the USA or of Britain. As internationalists we recognise the working classes in those countries as our brothers and sisters.

We recognise that the real enemy is the system of capitalism that spawns the reactionary policies of the World Trade organisation, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. It is these organisations that are dictating the policies of privatisation that is inflicting so much suffering on people around the world and that unfortunately other republicans bought into when Ministers in Stormont.

The consequences of the neo-liberal agenda of these World Bodies can be seen on the ground here in Ireland. 8,000 job losses in the North West as a direct result of Globalisation. These losses are not just figures; they are the real lives of Irish people destroyed by capitalism.

The poor of Eastern Europe flock to Ireland to be exploited by every crook, gangster and thug that calls himself an employer. It is no wonder that increasingly independents get elected to the Dail, as there is growing disillusionment with the established political parties. Low wages, anti trade union practices, racism homophobia, educational services cut to pieces, increasing gaps between the rich and the poor and tax free breaks for the super rich.

Meanwhile many working class areas in the cities and towns of Ireland are breeding grounds now for thugs, knife wielding morons and young people with no social conscience. Social cohesion of working class communities has collapsed. Individualism and the "me -me -me" generation has almost destroyed working class solidarity. The health services north and south are in almost terminal decline and many now dread going into hospitals for fear they come out dead due to the appalling state of the hospitals themselves. Everyday in many ways the working classes on this island suffer humiliation and exploitation from the capitalist classes.

Those parties who in the face of these defeats whip up nationalism and or sectarian hatred are the enemies of the working class. Comrades, flags don't put food on the table. We refuse to allow ourselves to be boxed into the role of defenders of this or that community. Our only community is the working class-Catholic Protestant Dissenter Sikh Muslim or Jew.

It is clear that there are three options facing the broad republican movement.

Route one is to follow the Provisional movement in its headlong rush into constitutional nationalism and accept the status quo of capitalism. Be in no doubt that PSF want to manage capitalism in Ireland and believe they can do it better than the existing rulers. The IRSP reject that route.

Route Two is to unify those republicans who reject the Good Friday Agreement in a joint political and military onslaught on British rule. Some belief that the "Republican Movement" can be rebuilt around the re-commencing of the armed struggle. The IRSP reject that route.

Route Three is to return to the republicanism of James Connolly and to raise the class questions in every arena, in every struggle and in every battlefield.

For it is only by the working classes in Ireland taking up the issues that affect them, that the link can be made between the class and the national question. There is no short cut available. We face only a long hard slog of persuasion and of hard work. Republican Socialists must reach out to the youth, to the trade union activists to the community activists trying to improve their communities. We need to reach out to other republicans and socialists and together find a way to implement the visions of Connolly and Costello. For partition and British Imperialism will never be defeated until the class question comes to the fore. The IRSP accept that route.

Republicans need to return to basics. A return to the democratic principles inherent in republicanism is a first step followed by the taking up of the class issues that press down on the Irish working class. All republicans should henceforth put their trust not in parliamentary leaders or army councils but in the revolutionary instincts of the advanced sections of the working people on the island of Ireland. What this means in practice is the building of a revolutionary republican Party that links the struggle against privatisation north and south, that opposes Imperialism at home and abroad, that stands up for the rights of all workers, and that is firmly committed to the creation of a Socialist Republic. That's where the energies of real republicans should be geared.

That is no mean task. We must overcome our own divisions and suspicions our own inertia our own self-righteousness and elitism. For our part we are prepared to sit down with any party or group to discuss issues frankly and in a comradely spirit, and to consider working together on issues we can agree on. We call on all those with a radical or republican or a socialist view to engage in constructive dialogue with us.

There is real truth in the old slogan that you cannot have a free Ireland without a free working class. Let us return to the ideals of James Connolly. His ideas were relevant in 1916. They are still relevant today.

Stand by the ideals of Connolly and we cannot go wrong. On this Easter 2005 let us renew our faith in the republicanism and the socialism of James Connolly the founding father of our republican socialism. Back to Connolly-forward to Socialism.

Vol. Kevin Lynch
Memorial in
Dungiven

Anti sectarian
Marches mural
Ardoyne Ave.

Maghera memorial stone
Vol. Brendan Convery

Famine Mural
Ardoyne Ave.

Anti sectarianism
Anti Racist mural
Brompton Park Ardoyne

Black Taxi
memorial Mural
Ardoyne Ave.

Going to school
at Holy Cross

Sit down protest

James Connolly mural
Berwick Rd. Ardoyne

CMDT. JAMES CONNOLLY
IRISH CITIZEN ARMY

Contemporary use of flag

The History of the Starry Plough

From "Starry Plough" No 6 1989
UNDER THE STARRY PLOUGH

All political movements have their symbols, songs, flags and banners. The nationalist movement in Ireland has as its flag, the tricolour; the loyalists have the red hand of Ulster. For Irish socialists the emblem generally found fluttering in their midst is the Starry Plough.

The Irish working class has a history and tradition, as pugnacious and vibrant as Irish nationalism. Irish historians, however commonly overlook this as they grapple with the intricate business of dissecting the two dominant historical blocs, Nationalism and Unionism. The result of such a histographical obsession can be seen in the virtual ignoring of the upsurge in class conflict during the Anglo Irish struggle of 1916-23. In spite of this a tradition exists and we retain in symbols, such as the Starry Plough, a link with our struggling predecessors.

Origins

The Starry Plough was first exhibited publicly on April 5th, 1914 at an Irish Citizen Army meeting. Early in that month the Irish Worker reported on this demonstration and noted that "a large number of the Citizen Army were in attendance, headed by a standard-bearer carrying a beautiful new poplin flag, displaying the design of the Starry Plough, the work of Mr. Megahy." The flag, which was much admired at the time, became the official emblem of the I.C.A. and a source of pride for its volunteers. It's originality helped give the Citizen Army something of an identity all its own. Sean O'Casey, in 'The Story of the Irish Citizen Army' (1919), wrote: "The banner, the idea of which was given by a sympathiser, and executed by Mr. McGahey (Megahy) was generally admired, and its symbolic design of the Plough and Stars was indeed strikingly original. The tallest man in the army was selected as banner-bearer, and he was always proud of his work..."

This first Starry Plough differed somewhat from the version in general use today, G.A. Hayes-McCoy in 'A History of Irish Flags from the Earliest Times' describes it as "...a stylised representation of an agricultural plough with, superimposed upon it, a representation of the constellation Ursa Major, the Great Bear or Plough of the heavens-.." This representation is on a background of green which is bordered by a gilt fringe. The silver stars are disposed along the yellow-coloured plough and the coulter is replaced by a sword with a serrated edge. The version of the Starry Plough currently used by, among others, the Workers Party is a replica of this original flag.

The identity of its designer is still a source of dispute. It is generally accepted that the streamlining of the design was carried out by the Belfastman William Megahy. Megahy was a teacher at the Metropolitan School of Arts in Dublin. His original design was presented to the national Museum in 1954 by Sean O'Casey. O'Casey who was prominent in the Citizen Army in 1914, didn't believe Megahy to be responsible for the initial idea nor did he accept the contention of some that George Russell first proposed the design. To this day it remains unclear precisely who conceived the Starry Plough.

Megahy's flag was raised above the Imperial Hotel in Dublin during the 1916 rising. The hotel, which was the property of William Martin Murphy of 1913 Lockout fame was burned to the ground during the fighting but the flag survived and a British officer seized it as a souvenir. The Irish National Museum managed to acquire it in 1955. It was, however, missing when, in 1934, elements of the Republican Congress decided to attempt a revival of the Citizen Army which had disappeared at the end of the civil war. With the original flag believed destroyed in 1916, it was agreed to design a new Starry Plough.

New Flag

The l.C.A. was revived briefly at the time of the Republican Congress by veterans of the old Citizen Army and volunteers forced out of the Republican Movement by a General Order forbidding members giving any support to the Congress. The flag they took as their emblem is that used by the I.R.S.P. today. It consisted of white stars on a blue background. It has become the accepted flag of Irish socialism and of the Irish working class. The Irish Labour Party used the flag until relatively recently when they replaced the blue with a red background. Perhaps they finally discovered the origins of the flag and decided that it wasn't for them? In the past few years their use of the flag has diminished and it would seem that they intend replacing it with a hand clasping a red rose - the symbol of European social democracy.

For most Irish socialists the Starry Plough remains a potent symbol. It remains a symbol of militancy. It is a flag that once flew over Dublin as a flag of rebellion. It shall do so again, not below the tricolour but above it, alongside a red flag, as a flag of social revolution.

REPUBLICAN POW SPEAKS OUT!

Ciaran McLaughlin Adds to the debate

It would appear that something of a debate is opening up within republican circles regarding the place of anti–Good Friday Agreement (GFA) organisations. Speaking as an individual and not claiming to represent anyone other than myself, I wish to make a short contribution to that debate.

Firstly, the emergence of anti–GFA military initiatives was a manifestation of a principled republican stand against a settlement that was seen to usurp Irish sovereignty and devalidify the righteousness of armed struggle.

Looking retrospectively, one cannot pinpoint exactly the reason for the collapse of these military initiatives, so complex and varied are their nature, but collapse they have, of that there can be no doubt.

Perhaps it is safe to say that the structures around which these initiatives were built simply couldn’t bear the pressures of what such an immense task brings. Ultimately what made the structure fragile was an absence of popular support. Again this is merely a broad analysis and may be rejected by both friends and enemies alike. Nevertheless, the credentials and intentions of those originally involved were sound, their political analysis was valid.The consequences of the decision to re-organise has gradually proved for the greater part to be tragic.

Sometimes the truth hurts and is hard to accept, but the fact is that out of these initiatives no credible military or political alternative has emerged that would justify any of the sacrifices made in its name. What presently exists is something between an illusion of war and an aspiration to wage war, but there is no war.

Until relatively recently the negative consequences have been felt mostly by the participants, the innocent and their families in the yards and visiting rooms of the various prisons which hold us.

However as the political landscape shifts and changes around us the continued pursuit of the illusion of war not only discredits our original analysis but also throws something of a lifeline to unionism and to intransigent British government elements who now resourcefully exploit our stance to validify their own.

If this is the extent of our capacity to disrupt the GFA then it says more about the cunning instincts of our enemies than our own pro-active capabilities.

Furthermore, as support dwindles, already fragile structures will further weaken and with this the ability to ward off negative influences which presently, and which will continue to, plague all militant Irish groups.
It is in these circumstances that organisations gradually become relevant only to themselves and to those who wish to exploit them, eventually their very origins are remembered only by a small few.

Somewhere inside this negative transition the decision to place the lives and liberty of young republicans at risk stops being merely wrong and becomes immoral.

What was once called “sacrifice” is now simply “a waste”. All well-meaning persons who entered into these initiatives deserve to emerge with dignity and their integrity intact but this relies on having the grace to accept reality.

There is no shame in admitting and accepting the truth, but to ignore it is to misrepresent original aspirations and can lead only to disgrace.
The vast, vast majority of republicans now believe that the war as we have known it is over, for what it is worth I and many more of my imprisoned comrades agree.

While many young republicans hold valid doubts regarding peace initiatives they should not in 2005 be led via polished dogma into the pursuit of an illusion that now offers absolutely nothing. This is the simple truth.

It is up to other republicans of all persuasions to find space to accommodate everyone’s respective analysis and to utilise talents together.

As always this will involve rigorous debate and most likely some argument but we have overcome bigger obstacles in our history. Above all people should be given the opportunity to speak out and should feel empowered to do so.

Ciaran Mac Lochlainn
Republican Prisoner,
Maghaberry

Piczo